Tuesday, February 17, 2015

Untangling Early Christian Attitudes Part 5

I know that this study is taking a while to go through; but, please, bear with me.  To understand why attitudes are what they are today, we must understand where they were previously and what led to the changes.  With that in mind, I present the 5th installment of Untangling Early Christian Attitudes. Thanks for plugging away at it with me!

So, what was the Roman attitude towards homosexuality?  That is a complicated question with varying answers.  Fone concludes that homosexuality was only looked down upon when one partner in a male relationship chose to only to take the passive role or acted effeminately.[1]  While, this may be true to an extent, it seems to me that in a time when people were insecure because of changes within the Empire, including a decreasing population within Rome herself, the leaders of the Empire desired to control the population and see it increase.  This explains at least one aspect of how the attitudes of the early Christian church were formed. 
Another important aspect of how these attitudes were formed comes from the Jewish attitudes.  Given the various personalities within the Hebrew Bible who seemed not to be completely heterosexual (Jonathan, David, Daniel, etc.) and the apparent changing attitudes within religious hierarchy (II Isaiah allowing eunuchs back into the congregation), it would seem that in the 4th and 3rd centuries BCE, the Jewish people were at least tolerant of some diversity.  However, by the 1st century BCE, certain Jewish people are following the ascetic attitudes.
For instance, Philo of Alexandria who lived from 20 BCE to 50 CE, appeared to have problems with homosexual relationships.  Szesnat indicates that Philo wrote mostly about slave boys or adolescents in a passive sexual role who turn into some sort of a combination of male and female, or are reduced to the status of a girl.  He also says that the lovers of such males waste away with disease and go sterile.[2]  Philo also made a lot of connections to the story of Sodom and apparently felt that the reason for its destruction was male-male sex[3], even though that is neither what the Bible indicates nor what the Rabbis taught.[4]  He further indicated that because Sodomites were so caught up in this type of sex, those males also became sterile.  The fact that Cantarella translates him as saying, “men mounted males” may indicate that he was talking about pederasty as Szsnat indicates.  She goes on to quote him as saying, “Pederasty or adultery or rape of a young person, even of a female, for I need not mention the case of a male …,” which seems to indicate that he is not speaking of homoromantic love between two non-minors of the same sex.[5]  To show how this may have had less to do with homophobia and more to do with asceticism, Philo also rejected heterosexual intercourse with barren women because it was non-reproductive.[6]  So, Philo, who was not a spiritual leader, but rather a philosopher, may have been following the stoics and other ascetics in the formation of his attitudes.
Another important individual within Judaism to consider as reflecting the attitudes of Jews of his time is Josephus Flavius who lived from 37 CE to 100 CE.  He insisted that the only sexual relation allowed by Torah was procreative between husband and wife.  He was largely ignored by the Jewish community; however, Christians copied his works frequently.[7]  Like Philo, he also felt Sodom was destroyed due to homosexual violence.[8]
So, what led to the attitudes of Philo and Josephus?  There may be some indication that the specific objection that Josephus and Philo had was one of pederasty in that The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs indicates in The Testament of Levi that “Priests will be idolaters, adulterers, moneygrubbers, lascivious and violators of children (paidophthoroi)” (Testament of Levi 17:11)  Cantarella uses this as an explanation of why Jews hated homosexuality.[9]  By the time of the Talmud, the Rabbis were trying to explain why Leviticus 18:22 and 20:13 are worded the way they are and determined that these the first passage condemned only the insertive partner in male-male relations.  They looked to Deuteronomy (evidently verses 22:5, 23:17-18) to explain why the receptive partner was also condemned.[10]  Also, it is often said that “Israelites are not suspected of either sodomy or bestiality” (Talmud, Kiddushin 82a).  Yet, Rabbi Yehudah felt it necessary to include a rule in the Mishnah saying that “two unmarried men” should not “[sleep] under a single blanket.”[11]  If there were no chance that Israeli men could be attracted to each other, why the law?
As for attitudes towards female homoromantic relationships, there appears to be a change.  For instance, Talmudic Rabbis question whether or not Lesbianism is harlotry.  Satlow explains, “According to the Tosefta, ‘If a woman ‘rubs’ with her minor son, and he penetrates her, the School of Shammai disqualifies her [from marrying a priest], but the School of Hillel permit it.’”[12]  But, why she isn’t stoned for having sex with her son is beyond me.  The Palestinian Talmud includes a second passage indicating that a woman who rubs with another woman is forbidden to marry a priest by the School of Shammai, while the School of Hillel permits it. [13]   But by the 4th century CE, lesbianism “condemned” in the Midrash in the discussion of what Leviticus 18:3 means when commanding the Israelites not to do like they do in Canaan or Egypt “a man would marry a man and a woman would marry a woman” in Sifra (Archarei Mot 9:8) 
So, it appears that the Rabbis, in addition to Jewish philosophers, were becoming more and more ascetic.  Fone indicates that Jewish writers in this period were becoming so ascetic that they rewrote the 10 commandments to include a commandment against sex between husband and wife that was not intended to lead to begetting children and against same gendered sex.[14]  So, this explains a general shift in attitudes towards homoromantic relationships as well as transgendered relationships.  However, one should also consider whether or not a shift occurred within the Christian community.




[1] Fone pg 60
[2] Szesnat Gay histories and cultures pg 685
[3] Fone pg 89
[4] Bullough pg 182
[5]Cantarella pg 199-200
[6] Miller pg 10
[7] Szesnat in Gay Histories and Cultures pg 502
[8] Cantarella pg 200
[9] Cantarella pg 201
[10] Cantarella pg 198
[11] Satlow pg 18-19
[12] Satlow pg 15-16
[13] Satlow pg 15-16, Downing in Lesbian History and Culture pg 49
[14] Fone pg 87

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